What were three of the most important trends or ‘isms’ affecting European Society at the end of the 19th century? Identify each trend and examine its implications. Identify the nations that went to war in 1914. Explain at least three causes of World War I. What effect did World War One have on the ‘European Consciousness’?

Question 2
A. Why did America enter World War I, specifically, what was Wilson’s argument for war? What were the reservations about entering the war? On the home front, how did American’s demonstrate their patriotism and how did the government control the dissent against the war?

World War I
“Woodrow Wilson won the presidency in 1912 on behalf of a ‘new freedom,’ a program involving lower tariffs, banking reform, antitrust legislation, and, in foreign policy, the repudiation of Theodore Roosevelt’s gunboat diplomacy. Even after sending troops to various Caribbean countries and to Mexico, Wilson claimed that his main concern was to promote peace and democracy in the world. When World War I erupted in Europe, Wilson saw the war as the result of imperialistic rivalries (‘a war with which we have nothing to do’) and urged, despite personal sympathy with Great Britain, that the United States stay neutral so as to influence the peace negotiations. Wilson won reelection in 1916 largely on a promise to keep the country out of war. But a combination of pro-British propaganda in American newspapers and German submarine attacks on American ships proved formidable, and in April 1917, Wilson finally requested a declaration of war in the following address to Congress.” Why was Wilson willing to go to war? How did he differentiate between the German Empire and the German people? What were the war’s goals and aims?

Woodrow Wilson, Address to Congress (1917)
“I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean…
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world…This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for all understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge of the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right of which we are only a single champion…
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragically character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United State; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war….
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when people were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools…
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them…
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us,–however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present Government through all these bitter months because of that friendship,–exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and active sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty of allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, it if lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hears,—for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the right and liberties of small nations , for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all our lives and our fortunes, everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.”
Source: A More Perfect Union, p. 135-138

The Red Scare
As World War I ravaged across Europe, Russia experienced is traumatic Russian Revolution with the capture, imprisonment, and eventual execution of the entire royal family—even their dog was killed. The Russian government was thrown into chaos and Lenin, the Bolsheviks, and the Communist Party emerged as the major power players.
Within this European backdrop, the American economy plunged into increased unemployment and subsequent strikes. While union workers had enjoyed relative security under the War Labor Board, with the end of the war, demand for production went down and workers lost jobs. Radical unions like the Industrial Workers of the World, IWW, began to talk tough about the evils of capitalism and the benefits of a more communist system. As a result, the US Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer made it a crusade to rid the nation of such a potential communist threat. These efforts became known as the Red Scare, and many historians trace the roots of the Cold War back to this episode. In the following document, Palmer makes his argument about removing the “Reds” from America. Parmer argued that communism was an imminent threat and explained why Bolsheviks (communists) had to be deported. What were his reasons? Why were the communist a threat, and what was Palmer’s opinion of a communist system?

Why did America enter World War I?
There are various reasons that led to the American entry into the World War 1. When the war started in 1914, the Americans were neutral in order to promote peace among the different nations. During the period, the U.S congress encouraged an isolation policy that allowed other countries into their U.S policies and cultures. However, the U.S later entered into the World War 1 due to the occurrence of the several events. First, there was distrust between the United States and Germany. The US was full of propaganda that sought to involve the American in a war with their alliances. The material of the propaganda included a Pro-British issue that was supported by the relationship with Britain. Boller and Story (1984) Wilson said, “…We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and active sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test.”p.139. The statement indicated that there was no full trust on the Germans as good friends of the Americans. In addition, it provided that the Americans concerned about the issues affecting Western Europe. There are also exists a propaganda on the political impact of Germany, but it was not emphasized among the Americans. Germany was noted as strong monarchy that had powerful militarist thinking (Scheiber, 2013).
Most importantly, Germany had a hidden agenda that did not supported democracy and the leadership of the U.S. There are strong allegations of industrial sabotage including kidnapping people. These allegations along aside other rumors led to the distrust of the Germans among the Americans. Before 1915, the Germans had a policy of evacuating passengers from sinking ships, but in 1915, they sunk a ship without any warning causing the deaths of more than 100 Americans. The incident led to a serious violation of the rights at sea causing President Teddy and Roosevelt and a small number of Americans demanding military retaliation. As President Wilson entered the office in 1916, there were strong supporters of the establishment of a foreign policy that could increase the military actions in order to warn the Germans. As brought out by Boller and Story (1984), Wilson argued “…This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea.” p.135. This deteriorated the relationship between the Germans and the Americans. Therefore, the situation of distrusts and need for revenge led to the Americans entry into the World War 1.
Some of the reservations of Wilson on entering the World War 1 war the creation of ‘the League of Nations’. Wilson took as central role in the formation of ‘the leagues of Nations. He took part in negotiations helped in Paris, France that led to the drafting of the league covenant. This formed a key reservation of the U.S involved in World War 1 (Burton, 2003). Since, it would have affected the progress of the covenant that was healed by the American president. The argument of Wilson sought that the formation of the league covenant was seen as the only option for peace among the different nations. From the inception of the World War 1 in 1916, Wilson stood for new international order by keeping the US neutral. However, he led the Americans into World War 1 arguing that he had to protect the Americans from the Germans. In early 1917, he argued that he declared war to control the uncontrollable submarine warfare by the Germans (Scheiber, 2013).
In the home front, there were immense efforts to mobilize the people in the production of more solders, food products, and finances necessary for the success of the war. In the commencement of the U.S military action, there was little planning of the Americans on the war. In the first one year, there was much confusion, before efficiency could be regained. The federal government had developed the various programs to promote patriotism. In addition, the US government was keen on setting temporary agenesis that could help in the overall management of the economy. The temporary agencies were tasked with the role to motivate the citizens on the generation for the wars. The administration of Wilson developed a relevant committee that helped in the control of programs and information among the citizens. The committee sourced talented scholars and writers involved in the creation of anti-German artistic tools and films (Burton, 2003). Therefore, at the home front, much activity occurred seeking to enhance patriotism and the participation in the war.
Various measures were put in place to control the dissent of the U.S entry into World War 1. One of the measures was the passage of the Espionage Act in 1917. The act was aimed at control the interference with the U.S military. The act stated that it was crime to give information that would affects the operation of the U.S military as well as promoting the success of the enemies. The act also required a heavy fine for persons caught responsible for the violation that included both fine of $10,000 and 20 years imprisonment. The act was aimed at suppressing any persons who were against the U.S entry in the war. Later, the congress passed the Sedition Act that instituted harsh penalties to persons caught responsibilities. According to the arguments of Wilson, any person caught interfering with the U.S military forces were insulting the flag and the U.S constitution (Venzon, 2013). The influence of communist that infiltrated the U.S had created the strong fears of the people against the U.S involvement in World War 1. Thus, the passage of the two laws was aimed at suppressing the dissents in the U.S on the entry of U.S into the World War 1.

References
Boller, F. P., & Story, R. (1984). A more perfect union: Since 1865. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Burton, H. D. (2003). Taft, Wilson, and world order. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press.
Scheiber, H. N. (2013). The Wilson administration and civil liberties, 1917-1921. London: Quid Pro Books.
Venzon, A. C. (2013). The United States in the First World War: An encyclopedia. London: Routledge.

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